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February 28, 2005

Steyn: I Told You So


Mark Steyn, in a column titled "The Arabs' Berlin Wall Has Crumbled," recalls his April 6, 2002, column:

Three years ago - April 6 2002, if you want to rummage through the old Spectators in the attic - I wrote: "The stability junkies in the EU, UN and elsewhere have, as usual, missed the point. The Middle East is too stable. So, if you had to pick only one regime to topple, why not Iraq? Once you've got rid of the ruling gang, it's the West's best shot at incubating a reasonably non-insane polity. That's why the unravelling of the Middle East has to start not in the West Bank but in Baghdad."

I don't like to say I told you so. But, actually, I do like to say I told you so. What I don't like to do is the obligatory false self-deprecatory thing to mitigate against the insufferableness of my saying I told you so. But nevertheless I did.

He then recounts recent developments toward increased freedom or cooperation with the U.S. in Arab lands (Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the West Bank, Syria), argues correctly that they stem from the Iraqi elections, and writes:

Three years ago, those of us in favour of destabilising the Middle East didn't have to be far-sighted geniuses: it was a win/win proposition. As Sam Goldwyn said, I'm sick of the old clichés, bring me some new clichés. The old clichés - Pan-Arabism, Baathism, Islamism, Arafatism - brought us the sewer that led to September 11. The new clichés could hardly be worse. Even if the old thug-for-life had merely been replaced by a new thug-for-life, the latter would come to power in the wake of the cautionary tale of the former.

But some of us - notably US deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz - thought things would go a lot better than that. Wolfowitz was right, and so was Bush, and the Left, who were wrong about the Berlin Wall, were wrong again, the only difference being that this time they were joined in the dunce's corner of history by far too many British Tories. No surprise there. The EU's political establishment doesn't trust its own people, so why would they trust anybody else's? Bush trusts the American people, and he's happy to extend the same courtesy to the Iraqi people, the Syrian people, the Iranian people, etc.

Prof Glenn Reynolds, America's Instapundit, observes that "democratisation is a process, not an event". Far too often, it's treated like an event: ship in the monitors, hold the election, get it approved by Jimmy Carter and the UN, and that's it. Doesn't work like that. What's happening in the Middle East is the start of a long-delayed process. Eight million Iraqis did more for the Arab world on January 30 than 7,000 years of Mubarak-pace marching.


— Winfield Myers
February 28, 2005

A MSM Survivor?


With columns like Jackson Diehl's in today's Washington Post recognizing that Bush is making over the Mideast and the editorial page's lead editorial calling for Egyptian President Hosni Mubarek to make good on his promise to allow for contested elections by allowing his major reform opponent, Ayman Nour -- who is currently imprisoned for opposing the government -- to run against him, the Post's leadership just might get the post-9/11 era and be one of the survivors of the implosion of the mainstream media.

— Brent Tantillo
February 28, 2005

Not Completely Peaceful


Lebanese soldier clubs Columbia man.jpg

Via Instapundit, the BBC has a slide show of today's protests in Beirut that helped bring down the pro-Syrian government of Omar Karami. As the photo above shows, some soldiers roughed up protestors, including this man wearing a Columbia University sweatshirt.

Columbia has caught a lot of bad press lately for the actions and words of some of its professors of Middle East studies, but this man is showing a degree of bravery rarely seen among that august institution's professoriate or leadership.

— Winfield Myers
February 28, 2005

Bahraini Internet Activist Arrested


From the previous two stories, it's clear I've been reading Aljazeera. That's not how I usually spend my time, but unless I'm wrong, the network infamous for its anti-American reporting and circulation of tapes showing beheadings is beginning to pay more attention to human rights violations in the Arab world that heretofore were little noticed. I'd chalk up the change, again, to the Iraqi elections, as Aljazeera's constituency is thirsty for news on the possibility of the continued liberalization of the area.

It now looks like Bahraini police have arrested a 27-year-old Internet activist, Ali Abd al-Imam, on charges of "stirring hatred against the government and spreading false news that could jeopardise state security."

The website, a forum where users often post views critical of the government and the royal family, has been banned by the government.

It is blocked by internet provider Bahrain Telecommunications Co, but it frequently changes its web address to circumvent this.

Bahrain, the Gulf's banking hub and home to the US Navy's Fifth Fleet, has introduced some reforms, but the opposition, led by the country's majority Shia Muslims, want more rights in the Sunni-ruled island state.

The web site, which is in Arabic, is here. It, or some site, is coming in at that address. Any Arabic readers out there who can give a status report on the site?

— Winfield Myers
February 28, 2005

Setback for Reform in Algeria


In addition to its reporting on Lebanon, which I comment on below, Aljazeera also says that women's rights groups in Algeria are protesting the decision by that unhappy country's president, Abd al-Aziz Boutaflika, to allow an oppressive law remain on the books:

The Algerian president ruled against abolishing a regulation that women require permission from a family member or guardian to marry.

"It is a grave discrimination against women, who will remain minors for life," Miriam Bilaala, president of the rights group SOS Women in Distress, said. "The long-awaited family code reform will now mean little to Algerian women."

Analysts say Boutaflika's decision not to drop the guardian clause from an amendment to the 1984 family code he approved on Tuesday showed religious groups still carried weight after a long-running uprising against a military coup that has claimed the lives of 150,000 people.

The uprising was sparked by the cancellation of elections by the military, in which the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) party was set to win by an overwhelming majority in 1992, and was subsequently banned.

The amendments will now go to parliament for approval and are expected to pass given the support Boutaflika enjoys.

Amnesty International said recently that Algeria's laws legitimised discrimination, facilitated violence and made it hard for women to protect themselves from rights abuses.

Another Algerian women's rights group said it would campaign to completely abolish the family code and replace it with a civil code.

Algeria was once seen as a champion of women rights in the Middle East after its women fought alongside men in the war of independence against France.

Because Algeria is in North Africa, it doesn't receive as much attention from the American media as do countries in the Middle East. It's bloody war against the French was followed thirty years later by the outbreak of violence mentioned above.

— Winfield Myers
February 28, 2005

Out with the Old


Lebanese Celebrate Fall of Govt.jpg

With the fall of the pro-Syrian Lebanese government, we see that Syria played the wrong card, and at the wrong time. Iraqi elections last month are having a huge effect throughout the region, especially in Lebanon, with its own history of democracy.

Publius Pundit is tracking developments there, and he reminds us that pictures of Lebanese demonstrating for independence from Syria are being broadcast all across the Arab world by Aljazeera, which has a story with these words on its web pages:

In an interview with Aljazeera, Pierre Jumail, an opposition representative, said protesters would go to the parliament to question the government's security responsibility.

"We want to ask the government, which is responsible for security in Lebanon, about its responsibility for al-Hariri's assassination," he told Aljazeera.

"We also want to politically penalise the government, as it has battled the Lebanese people all this time, forced by Syria," Jumail added.

The government no longer represents the people, he said.

"We want a self-ruled government that meets the ambitions of the people and judges according to the Lebanese free will," he said.


— Winfield Myers
February 28, 2005

Carter Continues to Molest Venezuelans


We've commented here time and again about Jimmy Carter's indefensible love affair with dictators the world over. Now, American Thinker reports that Jimmy is getting ready "to help consolidate peace and democracy" in Venezuela. It seems that the Carter Center, not content on giving its imprimatur to last year's rigged elections that ensconced Hugo Chavez in power, has issued a final report that purports to show why Chavez deserves to hold power.

Here's a portion of the executive summary of the report:

The presidential recall process was a novel electoral event for Venezuela. The process suffered from some irregularities, delays, politicization, and intimidation, as described below. Nevertheless, we note it is important to distinguish between irregularities and fraudulent acts that could change the outcome of a process. It is the Center’s finding that the official results reflect the will of the Venezuelan electorate as expressed on Aug. 15, 2004.

With respect to distinct parts of the process, the Center found the signature collection was conducted in an atmosphere mostly free of violence, with citizens who so wished having the opportunity to sign, though with some confusion on the exact procedures and limited instances of intimidation. The verification process was complex, conducted by the CNE [National Election Center] for the first time with multiple levels of review, unclear rules inconsistently applied, numerous delays, and with a concern for detecting fraud given priority over a concern to recognize the good faith of signers.

The reparo period, despite the call made by the pro-government parties for the removal of signatures (known as the arrepentidos act), was conducted in an atmosphere mostly free of violence, with citizens who so wished having the opportunity to confirm their signatures or remove their names and with clear and transparent procedures that had been negotiated between the CNE and the political parties. Nevertheless, allegations of intimidation that had surfaced earlier in the process re-emerged prior to the reparo process, involving threats of loss of government jobs or benefits.

The Aug. 15 balloting day was conducted in an environment virtually absent of any violence or intimidation; yet the voting procedure required several additional hours because of high voter turnout and insufficient voting stations. (Forty-seven percent of the tables, or mesas, had more than 1,700 registered voters.) Voting station capacity was stressed further by incorporating new electronic voting and fingerprint machines while maintaining the usual written administrative procedures.

The report also dismisses concerns over voting machine fraud. Such claims were based not only on eye-witness accounts, but on a study conducted by Ricardo Hausmann, a professor at Harvard University's John F. Kennedy School of Government and former chief economist at the Inter-American Development Bank, and Roberto Rigobon, a professor of applied economics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology's Sloan School of Management. I posted on the study's conclusions in September, when the WSJ reported:

"The pair issued a report that tried to measure the possibility that the vote was clean using two separate analyses of the official results. In both cases, they said, the chances of a clean vote were less than one in 100."

The report claims that it found no signs of significant fraud:

After the CNE announced results of the Aug. 15 referendum, many claims that fraud had occurred began to emerge. An opposition-commissioned exit poll had indicated that the Yes vote would win by a large margin. Most of the fraud claims centered on the voting machines themselves, asserting that either they had been preprogrammed to alter the results or communication from the central computer to the machines during the voting day altered the electronic result of individual machines. The transmission of the voting results from the machines to the CNE and the tabulation of the national results in the CNE were tested through various statistical samples, or quick counts, performed by the campaign for the Yes and by the international observers. These tests showed the transmission and tabulation processes performed accurately.

The concerns about the accuracy of the electronic results produced by individual voting machines were based on the finding of allegedly improbable mathematical patterns. These patterns included a number of machines within the same voting station or the same voting center having identical results, an alleged “cap” on the Yes votes, and similar percentages of votes for the Yes or the No within centers.

Carter Center technical experts, in consultation with OAS technical experts, investigated the allegations presented to the mission in writing by the Coordinadora Democrática. The Center also consulted the conclusions
of other independent statisticians who investigated additional reports from Venezuelan academics about similar mathematical patterns. These patterns were not found to provide a basis to assert fraud.

More on this as the Venezuelan opposition reacts to it.

— Winfield Myers
February 28, 2005

True North Radio This Week


Here's the lineup for True North for the week of February 28, 2005:

Monday: KEVIN BLIER, Director of Vermont Renewal. We'll be discussing the retention hearings for Vermont’s Supreme Court justices.

Tuesday: TAMAR JACOBY, Senior Fellow at the Manhattan Institute. We’ll be discussing her article in the February 28th Weekly Standard, “Law and Borders: The Conservative Case for Bush's Immigration Plan”.

Wednesday: TOM WOODS, author of the New York Times Best-Seller, The Politically Incorrect Guide to American History. Dr. Thomas E. Woods, Jr. holds a Ph.D. in history from Columbia University. Tom is also the author of The Church Confronts Modernity (Columbia University Press) and the forthcoming The Church and the Market: A Catholic Defense of the Free Economy.

Thursday: JOHN McCLAUGHRY, President of the Ethan Allen Institute, Vermont's independent, nonpartisan, free-market-oriented public policy think. Have a look at EAI’s website, where you can read some of John’s great commentaries.

Just before we moved back to Vermont, I hauled out my Heritage Foundation Guide to Public Policy Experts, a hefty annual Who’s Who of the nation’s finest conservative and libertarian thinkers. I figured this would be an efficient way to find friends in our new home. There were pages & pages of folks listed for other states. And then I turned to the listings for Vermont. There was only one name there: John McClaughry’s. I looked what the Ethan Allen Institute was doing, and quickly realized that, if you’ve got one man like John McClaughry in your state, you’re lucky, indeed. So even before we moved here, I joined the Ethan Allen Institute, read John’s great monthly newsletter voraciously, and a month after we landed attended my first EAI event.

And it was easy to join, as John keeps membership affordable. Basic membership is only $30—and that’s a full membership, for a full year, including 12 copies of the Newsletter. Since EAI is a 501 [c] 3, membership is tax-deductible. Don’t miss out on Vermont’s greatest intellectual bargain! Send your check to Ethan Allen Institute, 4836 Kirby Mountain Road, Concord VT 05824.

Friday: BILL SAYRE, formerly with the U.S. Federal Reserve, now a Member of the Board of Directors of Associated Industries of Vermont; of the Vermont Chamber of Commerce; and of the Vermont Forest Products Association. A student of Milton Friedman's (among other Nobel Laureates), Bill received his MBA in economics/finance from the University of Chicago.

You are encouraged to forward this announcement to people who may be interested in the guests and topics featured this week, and to put our call-in numbers on speed dial.

Waterbury/Montpelier area: 244-1777
Long distance from anywhere: 1-877-291-TALK or 1-877-291-8255

How to Hear the Show

Tune in to WDEV 550 AM/96.1 FM or to WSYB 1380 AM to hear True North live, from 11:05 a.m. till noon, Monday through Friday..
Should you miss a show, don't forget--each week we post the previous week's shows on our website, so you can listen to those you missed online. Just go to truenorthradio.com, and click on Archives.

— Laurie Morrow
February 28, 2005

Good News Round-up


Arthur Chrenkoff leads the Monday morning reading list again, as his latest bi-weekly round-up of good news from Iraq is up at Opinion Journal.

Arthur uses a recent column by David Ignatius to illustrate the new mood in Iraq:

I discussed the transition with Muwaffak al-Rubaie, who has been serving as national security adviser in the interim government. A Shiite with close ties to Grand Ayatollah Ali Sistani, Rubaie is likely to hold a post in the new government. The freewheeling political discussion was delightful for its ordinariness. It was what you'd find in any democratic country - yet it would have been punished by torture or death under Saddam Hussein.

As he notes, ordinariness is a blessing in a country such as Iraq, where life has been so hard for so long. I'd add that more Americans, especially those who enjoy flirting with the far right and far left's romantic attachment to discontent and "revolution," could learn a thing or two about the virtues of ordinary peace and calm. After all, calm is the exception in human history.

— Winfield Myers
February 27, 2005

Shooting to Miss?


Nat Hentoff is keeping an eye on the special committee appointed to investigate the bullying of students at Columbia University by some radical members of the Department of Middle East and Asian Languages and Cultures (MEALAC). So is Alan Dershowitz; thus far, Hentoff isn't impressed. Via LGF.

Jimmy Breslin wrote a novel, The Gang That Couldn't Shoot Straight, that came to my mind while covering what is now an international story about charges that some professors in Columbia's Department of Middle East and Asian Languages and Cultures (MEALAC) bully and intimidate students who don't agree with them. Since one of my beats is education—from pre-kindergarten on—I have covered a number of dysfunctional college and university administrations around the country. But the handling of this controversy by Columbia's president, Lee Bollinger, and provost Alan Brinkley is a model of how to confuse and worsen a situation while trying to resolve its core problems.
— Winfield Myers
February 27, 2005

Liberalism's Intellectual Bankruptcy


Adding to the growing chorus of critics who see contemporary liberalism as intellectually and morally bankrupt, John Leo's new column nicely sums up the left's seemingly intractable problems:

Liberals have been slow to grasp the mainstream reaction to the no-values culture, chalking it up to Karl Rove, sinister fundamentalists, racism, or the stupidity of the American voter. Since November 2, the withering contempt of liberals for ordinary Americans has been astonishing. Voting for Bush gave "quite average Americans a chance to feel superior," said Andrew Hacker, a prominent liberal professor at Queens College. We are seeing the bitterness of elites who wish to lead, confronted by multitudes who do not wish to follow. Liberals might one day conclude that while most Americans value autonomy, they do not want a procedural republic in which patriotism, religion, socialization, and traditional values are politically declared out of bounds. Many Americans notice that liberalism nowadays lacks a vocabulary of right and wrong, declines to discuss virtue except in snickering terms, and seems increasingly hostile to prevailing moral sentiments.

I completely agree with his conclusion, as I have more faith in Americans' ability to discern gold from brass than some:

In their bafflement over rejection of their product, liberals have been lacing speeches with religious phrases and asking mainstream Americans to vote their economic interests by rejecting Republican fat cats. It will take a bit more than that.

— Winfield Myers
February 27, 2005

Fear and Intimidation at Harvard


That's the title of an essay by esteemed Harvard professor Harvey Mansfield.

More than most people--to say nothing of university presidents--Summers lives by straightforward argument. He doesn't care whether he convinces you or you convince him. He isn't looking for victory in argument. But his forceful intelligence often produces it, in the view of those with whom he reasons. Sometimes the professors he speaks with come out feeling that they are victims of "bullying," as one of his feminist critics stated. As if to reason were to bully.

One faculty colleague said in response to this, "Can anybody on earth have less reason to fear than a tenured Harvard professor?" True enough, a Harvard professor has both the prominence to awe and, if that doesn't work, the security to escape. But feminists do not think like this. They insist on a welcoming atmosphere of encouragement to themselves and to their plans. If they do not get it, they will with a straight face accuse you of intimidating them even as they are intimidating you.

As is always the case with Mansfield's writings, this one repays reading in its entirety.

— Winfield Myers
February 26, 2005

Chavez's Leni Reifenstahl?


Publius Pundit points toward the blog Devil's Excrement at Salon, which blogs on matters Venezuelan. There you'll find a photo of a crowd that appears to be cheering for Tarek William Saab, the Governor of Anzoategui. But there's a problem, as the DE points out: the photo is faked, with many faces duplicated throughout what is in fact a montage.

Hugo and the boys are going to have to do better than this if they're to enter the top tier of history's dictators. Where's old Leni when you need her?

Of course, America's finest institutions of higher learning aren't above similar tricks. Remember this attempt, Badger fans?

— Winfield Myers
February 26, 2005

Who Says the New Media are Monolithic?


Steve Bainbridge has decried Wal-Mart and posted what he calls "the conservative case against Wal-Mart." His post is a reply to one by Hugh Hewitt, who loves the place.

Joe Carter at the Evangelical Outpost takes Hugh's side in the argument, as do many (but not all) of those posting comments to his site. And as of this posting, there are no fewer than 13 trackbacks to Steve Bainbridge's original post.

To make matters more fun, Bainbridge will be on Hugh Hewitt's radio show at 5:20pm PST. You can listen to that show here.

Note to left-wing bloggers: this is called debate.

— Winfield Myers
February 26, 2005

Buying Churchill


Via LGF, the Denver Post reports a possible buyout for Ward Churchill.

University of Colorado officials are considering offering Ward Churchill an early retirement package that could end an increasingly uncomfortable standoff with the controversial professor.

Two people familiar with internal CU discussions said the still-undetermined offer is in the idea stage. The discussions come just a week before a three-person panel is scheduled to deliver a report on Churchill's fitness for tenure.

David Lane, Churchill's attorney, said he has not been contacted about a buyout offer.

But, he said, while his primary focus is on protecting Churchill's constitutional right to speak out, he would be willing to listen to a university proposal.

"If they offer $10 million, I would think about it. If they offer him $10, I wouldn't," Lane said.

I don't think we'll see any offers in that region, nor, I'm sure, does David Lane. According to the Post, a buyout would allow CU to close the chapter on Churchill, and save the school further embarrassment, much more quickly than any effort to fire him:

CU regents have said they are bound by due process and authorized a review of Churchill's writings and speech by a panel comprising the interim Boulder chancellor, the arts and sciences dean, and the law school dean.

Depending on the panel's findings, due the week of March 7, CU president Betsy Hoffman could inform Churchill of the university's desire to terminate his employment. Churchill would then have the right to appeal through a faculty committee.

Typically such dismissals - even if done by the book - result in years of expensive lawsuits that Hoffman told legislators last week the university would like to avoid.

Sources involved in the talks said if an arrangement could be made, it could get everyone off the hook, including Churchill, the subject of daily press revelations.


— Winfield Myers
February 26, 2005

Medicating Larry


When boys act up too much in class, pulling girls' hair and shooting spitballs, some parents (with the blessing of teachers) rush to an M.D. for some little pills to smooth out the child's rough edges. This has proven a popular means of behavioral modification, as it's easier to have the little tykes pop Ritalin and similar drugs given for ADHD than to bother with them in and out of class. That's not to say that some kids don't need the help that these drugs provide, but such scholars as Christina Hoff Sommers have pointed to the abuse of such drugs, which can be over-prescribed for boys when they act like, well, boys. Male behavior has taken such a bad rap over the past few decades -- remember the uproar from the chattering classes when Dan Quayle attacked the fictional Murphy Brown for claiming that fathers are optional at best -- that normalcy can be diagnosed as disease. It's a mad, mad world indeed.

Just as boys present behavior patterns that are distinctly different from what one sees in girls, so do strong leaders of either sex possess personality and behavioral traits uncommon in the general population. We're not all alike, Jean Jacques Rousseau and his merry band of followers notwithstanding, and our chains aren't always provided courtesy of society. That is, human nature is not infinitely malleable, or perhaps even very malleable at all. We can read texts as old as the Iliad or Odyssey, or the Hebrew Scriptures, and immediately recognize ourselves in the people described, no matter how great the cultural, linguistic, or material differences. The rage of Achilles, homesickness of Odysseus, or trials and triumphs of the ancient Israelites are not as foreign life forms to us, but reflect much of what we know about ourselves. They can teach us because they were like us.

I thought of all this when I read this article about Larry Summers in this morning's NYT. Plagued by his blunt, bull-in-a-china-shop demeanor, and now by his lack of self-censorship among fellow academics, Summers appears to be undergoing a self-improvement effort that would make Dale Carnegie blush.

Former President Bill Clinton recently advised him to learn from his mistakes and move forward. The political counselor David Gergen has helped on damage control. Surrounded by the best minds of Harvard, he has turned for guidance to the government professor Theda Skocpol, the social ethicist Mahzarin Banaji and the campus wise man Henry Rosovsky, among others.

He is reading tomes about leadership. He also recently took his children to see "Hitch," a new movie, as it happens, about men who are trying to improve their social skills.

At the age of 50, Lawrence H. Summers, the 27th president of Harvard since its founding in 1636, finds himself trying to become a new kind of man as he seeks an end to a controversy centering on his leadership style.

"The days have been long, and the weeks have been long, too, because there's a lot to talk about," Dr. Summers said, sitting beside a fireplace on Friday in his office at Harvard. "I've spent a lot of time here talking to people, I've been out meeting people, I've talked to people in my home, I've spent a lot of time on the phone and I've spent a lot of time on e-mail. It certainly has not been a lonely month."

During much of the interview, Dr. Summers's voice was controlled, and his hands were occasionally thrust deep into his suit pockets. "I think I do have a tendency to challenging dialogue in the way of a graduate seminar," he said. "It's probably both a strength and a weakness, depending on the context. But there are also very much issues of relationships. That's why the things you work through with people, you don't work them through overnight, but you work them through with a lot of discussion and dialogue."

Assuming that he doesn't undergo therapy to retrieve repressed memories, the problems Summers is dealing with stem mainly from his belief, which reports show to be a trademark of his style in the classroom, faculty lounge, and in Washington, that intellectuals should be able to defend their assertions with factual information delivered in a logical and effective manner so as to persuade listeners and readers of the plausibility of their beliefs. That's a fancy way of saying that people with advanced degrees and teaching responsibilities should be able to argue well. And part of arguing well includes listening to and then responding to critics, even provocative ones who dare to step on your toes.

But Summers is being pressed from all directions to reign in his effusive enthusiasm for debate, to curb his often combative style. In other words, to play by the rules laid down by too many Harvard presidents over the past many decades, men who knew their place and were happy with it. That place was as the faculty's lap dog, and the presidential visage preferred by faculty who, one might think, are themselves expert debaters armed with reams of information and reason, was a smiling, congenial one, happy to agree, eager to please.

Yet Larry didn't play by those rules. Assuming as he did that high powered types who made their living defending themselves would give as good as they got, he challenged them, sometimes one-on-one. Their response? They folded like a cheap suitcase before crying foul, demanding apologies, and sometimes leaving town. Such is the much-vaunted, and remarkably over-rated, ability of Harvard dons to engage in reasoned debate over the intellectual problems to which they have devoted their lives.

How to change? How to free oneself from inner convictions and intellectual prowess? Why, you can be a David Gergen if you try, try, try:

In recent weeks, Dr. Summers has been turning to a cast of so-called Hitches, the name of the movie character played by Will Smith, who plays a personal dating coach helping awkward men reveal their lovable inner selves to beautiful women who then fall in love with them. (Asked in the interview whether he had drawn any parallels between Mr. Smith's clients and himself as a university president needing help in changing aspects of his style, Dr. Summers smiled tightly. "I suppose that analogy's there, but I confess it didn't occur to me," he said.)

One coach is Mr. Gergen, an adviser to four presidents who is a professor of public service at Harvard's Kennedy School of Government.

"This experience has not been without personal pain," Mr. Gergen said of Dr. Summers's ordeal, adding that "it's a good thing when a male demonstrates vulnerability."

"He takes a very Socratic approach," Mr. Gergen said, referring to Dr. Summers's customary method of intellectually engaging others through probing, even combative, questioning and challenging.

It was this method, perhaps, that was on display at a conference last month when Dr. Summers suggested that "intrinsic aptitude" might be one explanation for women's relative lack of success in math and science careers. Many women scientists and other academics at Harvard and around the country were furious.

Mr. Gergen said: "Socrates was ultimately put to death. People couldn't deal with the hard questions all the time. History tells us that this approach can be jolting."

The long-term challenge facing Dr. Summers is "to rebuild his presidency," Mr. Gergen added. "To put it in political terms, the second campaign began Wednesday morning." He was referring to the morning after the emergency faculty meeting on Tuesday where professors in the Faculty of Arts and Sciences continued to discuss problems with Dr. Summers's style, but with less fury than the meeting the previous week.

There's a remedy for a crisis in leadership if ever their was one. Shed your monochromatic skin for the ever-changing epidermis of a professional chameleon. Got a problem with a particular group of profs? Not if you agree with them, no matter what they say! Feeling the heat from offended prima donnas? Feel their pain, too, and engage in a little public flagellation. There's no problem that can't be solved by a lack of principal and the ability to speak from two faces at once.

Let's call this the new medicine. It takes the edge off leaders who, in the bad old unmedicated days, challenged stupidity and led by example. It solves the character problem by compromising the virtues upon which character rests. And it changes the behavior of smart men and women who won't play by the rules by reminding them that they have much to lose -- namely, their jobs and the false collegiality of the oppressed -- if they continue to, as my sister used to say of me when I became unmanageable, act ugly.

Will Summers go down this path to blissful irrelevance? It's too early to know, but if past is prologue, and it usually is, he'll be dragged down it a short distance before digging in his heals. A couple of developments make me slightly optimistic about his future health. First, Harvard's board has voiced its strong support for Summers in spite of the bad press. I suspect they understand that the degree of attention this episode has received from the mainstream media has served mainly to increase the sympathy for Summers among the reading public. By highlighting how easily some academics are sent over the edge, Harvard's internal fight strengthens the board's hand in its efforts to reform the school to make it a more responsible shaper of culture.

Second, the recent poll taken by the Harvard Crimson, the student newspaper, revealed strong support for Summers among FAS professors, even though a plurality (52%) said they disapproved of his leadership. Is it too much to believe that a strong minority of professors agrees with Summers's principal critiques of higher education? After all, his remarks on women in science weren't his first challenge to reigning orthodoxies that stifle debate, stigmatize dissenters, and discourage the truly talented from pursuing academic careers. From radical feminism and hyper-sensitive racialism to anti-Semitism and hostility toward ROTC and the U.S. military, one privileged ideology after another has felt the heat of Summers's intellect.

Summers is both the quintessential academic and a forward-thinking visionary capable of transcending the parochialism of the academic tribe. Socially blunt and quick to step into controversies, he fits a model of professorial behavior that can still be found, at least in the best departments. Harvard, like many other universities great and average, suffers from an intellectual sclerosis inevitable in institutions resistant to reform. Ideology is not intellect, and stale orthodoxies cannot substitute for curiosity and free-wheeling debate. If Summers can resists swallowing the pill offered him by the likes of David Gergen or his "friends" among the faculty, he can rebound and lead. Let's not medicate our boldest leaders into subservience.

— Winfield Myers
February 26, 2005

The Right Question


"Why Not Here?" is the question David Brooks says people living under repressive regimes are asking themselves nowadays.

This is the most powerful question in the world today: Why not here? People in Eastern Europe looked at people in Western Europe and asked, Why not here? People in Ukraine looked at people in Georgia and asked, Why not here? People around the Arab world look at voters in Iraq and ask, Why not here?

To the ancillary question, why is this happening now?, Brooks writes:

It's amazing in retrospect to think of how much psychological resistance there is to asking this breakthrough question: Why not here? We are all stuck in our traditions and have trouble imagining the world beyond. As Claus Christian Malzahn reminded us in Der Spiegel online this week, German politicians ridiculed Ronald Reagan's "tear down this wall" speech in 1987. They "couldn't imagine that there might be an alternative to a divided Germany."

But if there is one soft-power gift America does possess, it is this tendency to imagine new worlds. As Malzahn goes on to note, "In a country of immigrants like the United States, one actually pushes for change. ... We Europeans always want to have the world from yesterday, whereas the Americans strive for the world of tomorrow."

Stephen Sestanovich of the Council on Foreign Relations wrote an important essay for this page a few weeks ago, arguing that American diplomacy is often most effective when it pursues not an incrementalist but a "maximalist" agenda, leaping over allies and making the crude, bold, vantage-shifting proposal - like pushing for the reunification of Germany when most everyone else was trying to preserve the so-called stability of the Warsaw Pact.

Like pushing for democracy in the Arab Middle East when realists and left-wingers regard Arabs as congenitally incapable of self-rule, too. What we're seeing is a strong leader with a vision to mold the post-Cold War world as a freer, more democratic place. Aspirations for freedom that were suppressed for so long they atrophied are now getting a workout, mentally in many places and through actions in others, namely Iraq and Afghanistan.

Claus Christian Malzahn, quoted above, singles out what is perhaps the most important cultural and intellectual difference between Americans and many Europeans: we're forward-looking and innovative, while they tend to "always want to have the world from yesterday." That also divides President Bush and his supporters from his critics on the left and right. The former believe they possess the vision for a more perfect world, but don't understand that policies advocated by FDR and LBJ, much less cultural changes brought to a head in anti-Vietnam War protests, need to be rethought and, in most instances, scuttled. The latter are fearful of upsetting the status quo, less because they think it ideal than that they fear change qua change, seeing as they do a drive for human perfection behind all grand visions of a better world.

But America is founded on nothing if not a grand vision, and a daring one to boot. Advocating for change in corrupt and brutal regimes needn't lead to millenarian visions of earthly utopia. Rule by the likes of a Saddam Hussein, Yasser Arafat, or even a Leonid Kuchma is neither inevitable nor desirable. No stability is gained from supporting such men, nor are any ancient virtues or lessons ignored when their ouster becomes the goal U.S. policy. Surely virtue dictates support of oppressed peoples, and prudence requires that we move toward the more stable world that freedom can bring. We've unleashed a global questioning of the status quo; it is our duty, and our interest, to keep this question, why not here, on the lips of millions the world over.

— Winfield Myers
February 25, 2005

Chavez Drops the "S" Bomb


One of Latin America's two dictators today admitted what even casual observers already knew: he's a socialist.

Andrea in Florida emailed this CNN story in which Chavez says:

Chavez, a firebrand nationalist who has governed the world's No. 5 oil exporter for six years, has persistently declined to define the precise ideology of his self-styled "revolution."

But, addressing an international meeting on poverty in Caracas, he said Western-style capitalism was incapable of solving global economic and social problems.

"So, if not capitalism, then what? I have no doubt, it's socialism," [emphasis added] said Chavez, who also rebuffed U.S. criticism of his left-wing rule in Venezuela and denounced U.S. President George W. Bush as the "great destabilizer of the world."

Since self-admitted socialists aren't so easy to come by these days, look for Chavez's use of the term to make more allies for him among the loony left on campus. He proclaims Che and Castro as heroes, denounces the dirty Yanqui president, and now uses the "s" word to describe himself.

Chavez may not be Che, but he's chic.

— Winfield Myers
February 25, 2005

Churchill Good, Summers Bad


The Elephants have returned from their conference, and they report a conversation one of them had recently with a colleague. It illustrates perfectly what happens when "the mantle of free speech is selectively applied."

I recently questioned a colleague about her knee-jerk condemnation of Summers in comparison to her knee-jerk embracing of Churchill and she looked at me, stunned, and said "But Summers was wrong." I asked if she thought Churchill was wrong. "Not exactly wrong--I mean, I don't agree, but he is coming from a different viewpoint and trying to provoke discussion." We kept coming back to the same assessment--Summers was flat out wrong, knew he was wrong, was being willfully derogatory (Why would he do this? He's a cad) and should lose his job. But Churchill has a mantle of authenticity because of his position within the academic hierarchy--so while Summers is offensive, to some criminally so, Churchill fills the revered academic role of the counter-establishment provocateur and must be protected. Or what? What terrible thing would happen if the debate on the role of women in academia that Summers invited actually occurred, or if an under-qualified and scurrilous media hound of a professor was dismissed for poor scholarship and personal fraud?

"But Summers was wrong."

— Winfield Myers
February 25, 2005

Churchill: An American Unoriginal


Ward Churchill, it seems, has forged artwork and sold the copies as his own. Michelle Malkin has a long story, with links, to this latest chapter in the Churchill story. Look at the pictures on Michelle's site or at the link below, and you'll see that there's little room for doubt on this one.

I've asked this question before: does Churchill ever tell the truth? What a fraud.

Michelle's source is Denver's CBS4, which says:

An exclusive report by CBS4 News indicates embattled University of Colorado professor Ward Churchill may have broken copyright law by making a mirror image of an artist's work and selling it as his own.

Placing Churchill's work beside that of renowned artist Thomas E. Mails and the two look like mirror images. But one is a copyrighted drawing. The other is an autographed print by Churchill.

When a reporter from the station tried to ask Churchill about the controversy, the prof tried to slug the reporter -- about the only response one could expect from a man of Churchill's character:

The following text is a transcription from CBS4's footage of the exchange between Chohan and Churchill on Thursday in the hallway outside his office.

"Get that camera out of my face," Churchill said.

"This is an artwork we've got called 'Winter Attack.' It looks like it was based on a Thomas Mails painting; it looks like you ripped it off. Can you tell us about that?" Chohan asked.

That prompted Churchill to take a swing at Chohan while he held a stack of papers in his hand.

The exchange continued:

Chohan: "Sir, that's assault, you can't do that. Can I ask you about this? It looks like you copied it."

Churchill: "I was just grabbed by the arm. And that (camera) gets out of my face."

Chohan: "Sir, we're allowed to take these pictures, this is a public space."

Churchill: "You're not allowed to grab be by the arm."

Chohan: "He didn't touch you sir, we've got it all on tape. Sir, this is called Winter Attack. It's a serigraph by you. It looks like it was copied from Thomas Mails artwork. Can we talk to you about that please?"

Update: I strongly recommend going here and watching the video of Churchill's assault. Note that you must use Internet Explorer. Churchill tries to beg off the charge by saying that he created an original artwork of his own from the original by the late Thomas Mails, and that he notified the artist and the public at the time, which was 1981. Channel 4 spoke with Mails's son, who says he can't imagine that his late father would ever have approved such a move, and that the family still owns the copyright to the original. The reporter says the family is speaking with attorneys.

— Winfield Myers
February 25, 2005

Dominatrix?


Never mind Condoleezza Rice's impeccable credentials as a scholar, stateswoman and presidential adviser. Or even as a foreign policy expert. The Washington Post’s description of the Secretary of State during her recent visit to the Wiesbaden, Germany, Army Airfield? “Dominatrix!

Rice's coat and boots speak of sex and power — such a volatile combination, and one that in political circles rarely leads to anything but scandal. When looking at the image of Rice in Wiesbaden, the mind searches for ways to put it all into context. It turns to fiction, to caricature. To shadowy daydreams. Dominatrix! It is as though sex and power can only co-exist in a fantasy. When a woman combines them in the real world, stubborn stereotypes have her power devolving into a form that is purely sexual.

I’m disappointed that the venerable Washington Post couldn’t — or, maybe, just wouldn’t — find something more substantial to write than about Rice’s “commanding clothes.” If they dug around a little, they might find a story in the slew of racist and disparaging editorial cartoons the journalism industry hawked at the American public a few months ago. But I digress....

I love Condi Rice. She’s a quintessential example of the American success story — a brilliant woman who rose from humble beginnings to positions — lots of them — of power, prestige and influence. She is brilliant, witty, charming. But I think what I love most about her is her blind confidence in the face who say she can’t do the job for which she was hired.

At least the Post got that part right.

Rice's appearance at Wiesbaden — a military base with all of its attendant images of machismo, strength and power — was striking because she walked out draped in a banner of authority, power and toughness. She was not hiding behind matronliness, androgyny or the stereotype of the steel magnolia. Rice brought her full self to the world stage — and that included her sexuality. It was not overt or inappropriate. If it was distracting, it is only because it is so rare.

But is it Rice’s sexuality and clothing that makes her tough? Is it not possible that she’s powerful because she’s shrewd, sharp and sophisticated?

— Brady Creel
February 25, 2005

An Accurate Road Map?


To peace in the Middle East, that is. Let's hope so, and Charles Krauthammer, who can be relied on for sober assessments of the region's prospects for peace, thinks we've entered an era worthy of a bit of optimism:

Last Sunday Israel crossed two Rubicons. The Cabinet decided once and for all to withdraw from Gaza and dismantle 25 settlements -- 21 in Gaza and four in the upper West Bank. Yet, had Israel done only this, it would be seen, correctly, as a victory for terrorism, a unilateral retreat and surrender to the four-year intifada. That is why the second Israeli decision was so important. The Cabinet also voted to finish the security fence on the West Bank, which will separate Israeli and Palestinian populations and create the initial border between Israel and a nascent Palestine.

The fence decision makes clear that the unilateral withdrawal from Gaza is only part of a larger strategy, the first serious strategic idea Israel has had since its period of utter confusion and demoralization at the beginning of the 2000 intifada. The idea is this: Israel must (unilaterally, if necessary) rationalize its defensive lines -- in order to (1) protect its citizens, (2) permanently defuse the Palestinian terrorist threat and thus (3) open the door to a final peace.

Evacuating Gaza and completing the fence are complementary parts of that strategy. Both Gaza and the northern West Bank are separated from Israel by fences. Not a single suicide bomber has infiltrated through them. As a result, northern Israel enjoys calm.

But in Gaza, which is also surrounded by a fence, the bloodshed has continued. Why? Because 8,200 Jews are living on the wrong side of the fence. Defending them involves enormous Israeli military deployments, great danger and no real return. Everyone knows that ultimately this island of Jews in a sea of a million Arabs will have to go.

Once Israel leaves Gaza, and once the rest of the West Bank fence is completed, the Israeli and Palestinian populations will be almost perfectly divided in their own territories as defined by this temporary frontier. The fence approved by the Cabinet last Sunday leaves perhaps 1 percent of Israelis on the wrong (Palestinian) side of the fence and perhaps 0.4 percent of Palestinians on the wrong (Israeli) side of the fence. (These figures exclude polyglot Jerusalem.) This defensive barrier separating the two populations will not only prevent suicide bombers from killing hundreds of innocent civilians. It will change the entire strategic equation of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The terrorism weapon that the Palestinians have brandished in the past -- and will surely brandish again at every turn in negotiations when their maximal demands go unmet -- will disappear.


— Winfield Myers
February 25, 2005

Whatever It Is, We're Against It


John Podhoretz has an entertaining, and sadly accurate, column on New York Democratic mayoral candidate Anthony Weiner's propensity to oppose all things, good or bad, that Mayor Bloomberg favors.

Here's a taste:

They're Marxists, you see. No, I'm not red-baiting, because I'm not talking about Karl Marx. I'm talking about Groucho Marx, who once sang a song called "Whatever It Is, I'm Against It."

"I don't know what they have to say," Groucho warbled. "It makes no difference anyway . . . No matter what it is or who commenced it, I'm against it."

A Far West Side stadium?

Against it.

A Wal-Mart in Queens?

Against it.

A BJ's Club in Brooklyn?

Against it.

An Ikea in Red Hook?

Against it.

The mayor's budget?

Against it.

The mayor's education plan?

Against it.

Even the silly Central Park "Gates"? Yep. Listen to Democratic consultant Howard Wolfson, the James Carville of New York City, who told The New York Sun last week that the Gates project might be a political liability for Mayor Bloomberg: "I don't hear [Mayor Bloomberg] talking about making housing affordable, or improving our schools. I hear the mayor talking about three things: the Olympics, the stadium, and 'The Gates.' If those are his priorities, I guarantee you they're not the priorities of average New Yorkers."

I've wondered about the opposition to Wal-Mart, too, and what it tells us about elites who claim to speak for "the people." Surely those opposed to Wal-Mart in the Bronx, of all places, are the same as those who fought to keep Vermont pristine and Wal-Mart free:

Right now there's a whole lot of celebrating going on in the Democratic mayoral camps because two major discount chains announced they weren't going to try to build stores in those boroughs. Yes, what a triumph it is that Queens and The Bronx will be Wal-Mart and BJ's Club-free.

So what if there happens to be a Wal-Mart a few minutes from Queens in Valley Stream, where borough residents can happily shop for inexpensive quality goods? So what if there are BJ's in Brooklyn and Queens? After all, when you live in a retail paradise like The Bronx, why would you have need of such things?

Paradise, indeed.

— Winfield Myers
February 25, 2005

Off the Public Payroll


Last week I commented on the uproar that followed the appointment of Columbia University professor Rashid Khalidi to, as the New York Sun put it then, "lecture a group of New York City public school teachers on how to teach Mideast politics to schoolchildren."

Today, the Sun runs an editorial reporting that Khalidi's appointment has been scuttled following objections to his virulent, and continuing, anti-Semitic and anti-Israeli remarks. That's excellent news, as the last thing NYC should shell out cash for is to provide a platform for the likes of Khalidi to spew forth his venomous opinions to a group that would then carry his propaganda to young students. If tolerance of others is still a virtue, preaching hate to school children should be an obvious violation of the norm in public education.

Here's how the Sun describes the situation, which is still somewhat fluid:

Now that one of Columbia's anti-Israel professors, Rashid Khalidi, has been dismissed as a teacher trainer by the New York City public schools, his allies are making a belated attempt to rally around. Even while Columbia's president, Lee Bollinger, is earnestly trying to assure Jewish leaders and potential donors that he genuinely is committed to addressing the issue, his spokeswoman, Susan Brown, was quoted yesterday in a newspaper describing Mr. Khalidi as "a respected professor and scholar."

Well, Mr. Khalidi may be respected on Morningside Heights and in the United Arab Emirates, whose government donated $200,000 to fund Mr. Khalidi's chair at Columbia. The UAE, after all, has a formal policy of denying entry visas to Israelis. He may be respected in Saudi Arabia, where is based the Olayan Group, whose Olayan Charitable Trust also helped fund Mr. Khalidi's professorship at Columbia. But there is no reason to have him teaching teachers how to teach the Middle East.

The public and authorities show concern, rightly, for the influence of Saudi-funded schools that produce the likes of Ahmed Omar Abu Ali, a former Washington-area student who was arrested for taking part a plot to kill President Bush. We should be equally concerned about the effects of Rashid Khalidi and others in Columbia's highly politicized Middle East Institute, where anti-Semitism is given a scholarly gloss. Here's hoping that Khalidi is kept out of the public schools -- forever.

— Winfield Myers
February 24, 2005

Being Male . . .


. . . is what Debra Saunders says Lawrence Summers did wrong at Harvard:

Where did Summers err? To start with, he concentrated on the wrong gender. If, for example, Summers had said that men are less likely to play the role of primary caregiver in the home, say, because men tend to be less nurturing than women, academia would have applauded his insight. There would be no charges of sexism, as sexism against men is no problem in the Ivy League.

Summers' next mistake was to be male.

It's a short column, so give it a read. You'll always know where Saunders stands on any issue.

— Winfield Myers
February 24, 2005

What's "Red" about Republicans?


In an earlier post I briefly mentioned and linked to Wilfred McClay's lecture, "George W. Bush's Evangelical Conservatism: Or, How the Republicans Became Red," which was delivered yesterday at the Ethics and Public Policy Center. Here are a few paragraphs of the lecture, which merits close study. These samples by no means convey the subtlety and intellectual fecundity of the lecture, but I hope they'll spark sufficient interest to cause readers to read (or listen to) the talk in its entirety.

Here is just a bit of what he said:

What I want to look at is, specifically, how the administration of George W. Bush seems to have marked a sea change in the evolution of Republican politics, in conservatism, in the present and future alignment of our political parties and ideologies, and the role of religion in our public discourse and public action. In addition, however, I want to talk about the ways that, taking a longer-range historical view, what looks like a sea change may in fact merely be the process of this administration and the political party it leads rejoining itself, consciously or not, to certain longer traditions of American political and social reform. And I will also want to ask, in the end, whether these changes or reorientations are entirely a good thing, or whether there are aspects of them that should give pause to Americans in general, and to conservative Americans and evangelical Americans in particular.

And:

How and why most of the major media outlets (with the exception of Time) fixed upon the red-Republican and blue-Democratic schema in 2000 remains somewhat mysterious. When a New York Times graphics editor was asked for his paper’s rationale, he responded simply that “both Republican and red start with the letter R.” So chalk one up for Sesame Street.

Of course, for anyone who knows even a smattering of modern European history, this is a truly an astonishing turn of events, whose significance is only barely hinted at by Frank Reynolds’s wisecrack. It’s amazing how willing the democratic Left has been to acquiesce in the loss of one of its most permanent, most universal, and most beloved symbols -- the color Red -- without serious protest. I am not talking here about yielding some of the more or less primordial symbolic meanings ascribed to Red, though those too would seem to be worth hanging on to. Red is the color of life, of love and fidelity, of warmth, of emotional intensity, of power and grandeur. Any political movement or party worth its salt would like to lay claim to such things. But I am thinking more specifically of the political meanings of Red, which may draw upon these more primordial meanings, but also link them to specific historical events and causes and traditions and aspirations. We Americans tend to think, in our own times, of Red in this sense referring exclusively to the history of Communism, but that is a vast oversimplification. Let me be clear in what I’m saying here. I don’t want to be associated with the view that Communism was merely “liberalism in a hurry.” But by the same token, I do want to insist that the range of historical referents to Red would be better described as different expressions of an energetic and idea-driven commitment to systemic progressive reform, expressions that can and do vary widely in the extent of their liberalism or illiberalism, but that have in common a commitment to the general cause of human freedom and human liberation.

Later:

The mutation in the political meaning assigned to the color Red in America seems to have come about largely by chance and careless inattention. Nobody -- not even the devious, all-knowing, and all-powerful Karl Rove -- sought to induce or manipulate this change. But I believe one can make a very strong and suggestive argument that, in fact, this shift in symbolic meaning, even if entirely unintended, is extraordinarily meaningful, and fits in utterly unexpected ways with the historical situation in which we find ourselves. Hegel spoke of the “cunning of reason” in history, a term that indicated the ways in which the concatenation of seeming coincidences and random irrational events in history ends up furthering the cause of great, consequential, and intelligible change. Just such cunning may in fact be in evidence in this instance.

What I am saying, then, is that there is a sense -- a limited sense, but a real sense -- in which the Republican Party of George W. Bush has indeed “become Red” -- if by “being Red” one means, rather than being the standard bearer for the specific agenda of socialism, instead standing for a grand commitment to the furtherance of certain high ideals and goals, an agenda of progressive reform meant not merely for the sake of the nation, but for the general good of humanity. Such are precisely the sort of larger causes that socialism nearly always has championed. But they can no longer be regarded as the exclusive property of socialism, or more generally of the Left. Bush’s administration may well represent the culmination of a change that has been in the works for a quarter-century or so -- perhaps dating back to the days of Reagan, who loved to quote one of the quintessential Red thinkers, Thomas Paine -- an effort to capture the mantle of progressive change for the benefit of the conservative party. These efforts have not been a notable success in the past, and even the most plausible of them, Newt Gingrich’s notion of a “conservative opportunity society,” foundered on the rocks of its creator’s problematic persona. Yet it may be clear to future historians that events of the past quarter-century have slowly been weaving a possible new guiding narrative for the Republican party.

As a result, it entirely plausible, I think, for Republicans to assert that the conservative party in America today is the party of progress, of human liberation, of national and international purpose. And Democrats who snicker at such an assertion do so at their own risk, for it is even more plausible to state that the liberal party is the party of opposition to change -- the party of entrenched interests, of public bureaucracies and public-employee unions and identity-politics lobbies, the party that opposes tax reform, opposes tort reform, opposes educational reform, opposes Social Security reform, opposes military reform, opposes the revisiting of Supreme Court rulings, opposes the projection of American power overseas, opposes the work of Christian missionaries, opposes public accountability for the work of the scientific research community, opposes anything that offends the sensibilities of the European Union and the United Nations, and so on. Indeed, there are times when it seems they are on the verge of adopting the National Review’s famous slogan, about standing athwart history and yelling “Stop.”

McClay addressed the question of the influence of President Bush's evangelical faith on his policies, and just how this plays with the public's usual notion of conservatism:

I am not claiming that Bush is a radical reformer. I don’t think anyone, other than an opponent straining for partisan advantage, would do that. But I am pointing out that the religious vision that energizes him is not always compatible with conservatism as conventionally understood, and may not, in the long run, be easily contained or constrained by it. Yes, Bush is a conservative, but he is a conservative whose conservatism has been continuously informed, leavened, challenged, reshaped, and reoriented by his religious convictions; and many of his closest aides and advisors have undergone a similar process. To capture this distinctive, I’m going to use the term “evangelical conservatism” to describe his position. I should hasten to add that there is a very great difference between “evangelical conservatism” and “conservative evangelicalism,” the latter of which refers to a theologically conservative position which may or may not translate into conservative political views. What I’m calling “evangelical conservatism” is better understood as a form of conservatism, then, and not as a form of evangelicalism -- a political, rather than a theological, term.

He concludes:

But conservatism will be like the salt that has lost its savor, if it abandons its most fundamental mission -- which is to remind us of what Thomas Sowell called “the constrained vision” of human existence, which sees life as a struggle, with invariably mixed outcomes, full of unintended consequences and tragic dilemmas involving hopelessly fallible people, a world in which the legacy of the past is usually more reliable than the projections of the future. As the example of Niebuhr suggests, such a vision need not reject the possibility of human progress altogether -- which, by the way, has never been characteristic of traditional conservatism either, from Edmund Burke on. But it does suggest that it is sometimes wise to adopt, so to speak, a darker shade of red, one that sees the hand of Providence in our reversals as well as our triumphs. To do so is as needful for American evangelicalism as for American politics.
— Winfield Myers
February 24, 2005

Lebanon Update


I spent much of yesterday in Washington, where I heard a superb lecture on modern conservatism, and its evangelical elements, by Democracy Project board member and blogger Wilfred McClay. The lecture was held at the Ethics and Public Policy Center, and the text and audio of it are available here. I didn't post in the afternoon as a result, but I'm home again, so posting should return to normal this afternoon.

Arthur Chrenkoff hasn't been away, as is clear by the length and quality of his second update on events in Lebanon. Part One is here. The best quote to come out of Lebanon, of course, is from a most unlikely source: Walid Jumblatt as quoted in yesterday's WP by David Ignatius:

"It's strange for me to say it, but this process of change has started because of the American invasion of Iraq," explains Jumblatt. "I was cynical about Iraq. But when I saw the Iraqi people voting three weeks ago, 8 million of them, it was the start of a new Arab world." Jumblatt says this spark of democratic revolt is spreading. "The Syrian people, the Egyptian people, all say that something is changing. The Berlin Wall has fallen. We can see it."

The rest of Ignatius's piece is also worth reading, as it demonstrates the degree to which the Lebanese are fed up with the Syrian occupation of their country. On that matter, don't miss Daniel Pipes's recent column, Lebanon's Liberation Approaches.

— Winfield Myers
February 24, 2005

Lessons from Churchill


Not the virtuous Churchill, of course, but the perhaps-Indian-maybe-white-man Churchill of CU infamy. Candace de Russy looks at what lessons we should draw from his rise to power in academe.

— Winfield Myers
February 23, 2005

Transmit 3 released


Side note: I mentioned in August how cool my new PowerBook was. Now for another Mac tangent.

The Foreword makes mention of the new version of Transmit, the beloved FTP client for Macintosh OS X users. Cool.

— Brady Creel
February 23, 2005

Blog Diving


Charles at LGF reports that some Iranians have been "rummaging (with Lynx)" through their archives this morning. He has the data, including names and addresses in Teheran, and he's blocked their URLs in case someone in power is looking for information to use against Iranian bloggers, who are being persecuted by the mullahs.

— Winfield Myers
February 23, 2005

That Nice Valedictorian Boy


Ahmed Omar Abu Ali, an American student imprisoned for 20 months in Saudi Arabia and returned to the U.S., where he faces charges of plotting to kill President Bush, is a graduate of a Saudi-funded high school in Virginia that has a long history of teaching a radical and intolerant form of Islam. You won't find that in today's NYT story, but LGF links to the Jawa Report, which has the goods on Ahmed Omar Abu Ali and his school.

Jawa Report does note that today's Philadelphia Inquirer (registration) has a story that describes the school's character, as indicated in the story's title: "Ex-Valedictorian at 'Terror High' Named in Plot to Kill Bush." Here are the first few paragraphs of the Inquirer's story:

The School's 1999 valedictorian has just been charged with having joined an al Qaeda chapter in Saudi Arabia four years ago and is now accused of plotting to kill President Bush, either with a car bomb or by shooting him.

The school's former comptroller, arrested last year after videotaping the Chesapeake Bay Bridge in Maryland, has been labeled by federal agents as a high- ranking member of the terrorist group Hamas.

And the school itself has been accused of teaching students to shun or dislike Christians and Jews, and once used an 11th-grade textbook that claimed trees will say on the Day of Judgment, "Here is a Jew hiding behind me. Come here and kill him."

You could call it Terror High - the Islamic Saudi Academy in suburban Alexandria, Va., near Washington - a more- than-1,000-student high school at the center of these high-profile incidents. The academy is funded by the Saudi government, a supposed ally of the United States in the fight against terrorism.

Daniel Pipes, director of the Philadelphia-based Middle East Forum and a well-known advocate of aggressive anti-terror policies, said the school is like "having a little piece of Saudi Arabia" in northern Virginia. He claimed the Islamic Saudi Academy is a classic case of pitting free speech against protection from future attacks.

"It's like the Nazis having little Hitler schools in America during the 1930s," Pipes said last night. Fifteen of the 19 Sept. 11 hijackers were Saudi, although the oil-rich nation is a close ally of the Bush administration.

Officials from the high school and the Saudi Embassy in Washington did not return calls yesterday from the Daily News for comment about either the school or the alleged assassination plot. A woman in the embassy's public-affairs office said "of course" the Saudis continued to finance the controversial academy, but her boss did not call back as promised.

And:

The one thing that was clear yesterday is that the Islamic Saudi Academy, based on two lavish campuses in northern Virginia, is becoming something of a focal point in the war on terror.

David Kovalik, the academy's director of education, who did not return a phone call from the Daily News, told the Washington Post last year that Abu Ali was "an exceptional student" who was "very strong in science and math and just very personable; he helped others and was respectful to teachers."

Last August, a former comptroller of the school, Ismael Selim Elbarasse, was arrested as a material witness by federal authorities who called him a high-level operative for Hamas, the Palestinian terror group.

In March 2002, another graduate of the school, Mohammad Usman Idris, then 24, was charged with lying to a grand jury probing plots against Israel.

Pipes said last night that the fact that the school is funded by the Saudis does not seem to give the United States much leverage in dealing with it.

He noted that the oil kingdom "is not really a friend and not really an enemy" and that "we need to sort it all out."

— Winfield Myers
February 23, 2005

What are we mending?


To be frank, I can't help but find President Bush's fence-mending trip to Europe distasteful. It hints of begging for forgiveness for the Iraq War, which Americans obviously aren't sorry about because we reelected George W. Bush, and were clearly right about after the wildly successful elections in Iraq on January 30.

Such "fence-mending" is an insult to those of us who embrace the President's remarkable second inaugural address which clearly definined the role of American foriegn policy as the removal of tyranny in the world. Therefore, when Europe and Russia wish to negotiate and trust an Iranian regime who can give a blogger a 14-year sentence for insulting the government by calling a spade a spade, those are at best fairweather friends and at worst enemies of our efforts to spread freedom and democracy to the globe.

— Brent Tantillo
February 23, 2005

Summers's Time Round-up


The coverage of Larry Summers at Harvard continues to grow, as the faculty met to chew over its options (and the beleaguered president) and bask in the media spotlight. The media smells blood in the water, although Summers has the backing of Harvard's board. As with all political struggles, and this is nothing if not political, the underlying issue is raw power. And the question that remains to be answered is, can anyone, even a brilliant and direct man like Summers, force a professoriate accustomed to doing as it pleases rebuild a culture of service to the nation and the world? Summers's opponents will be satisfied if he's weakened sufficiently so that he no longer poses a threat to their comfortable, solipsistic lifestyles. Whether they'll succeed remains to be seen.

Here is some recent reaction to and commentary on his talk.

Yesterday's New York Sun ran two pieces on Harvard, an editorial and a news article. (There's another article today, but they've restricted it to subscribers.) Yesterday's editorial compares Summers's plight with that of the late Nathan Pusey, who led Harvard during some of the violent opposition to the Vietnam War (violence is OK if you're chic, you see).

Today's [Tuesday's] meeting will take place at Lowell Lecture Hall, which was booked to accommodate a larger crowd. The meeting had originally been slated for University Hall, which, in April of 1969, was seized by members of the Marxist group Students for a Democratic Society. They demanded that the Harvard administration create a black studies department and abolish the Reserve Officers' Training Corps. Harvard's president at the time, Nathan Pusey, one of the great principled presidents of the university, sent in the Cambridge police to break up the student sit-in and arrest the protesters. Quoth he to the student daily, the Crimson: "When I was against McCarthy and I was out in Wisconsin fighting against his election and when I was calling in the police at Harvard, I was fighting for the same principles." Pusey left the Harvard presidency two years after the showdown at University Hall.

Like Pusey, Summers has opposed some entrenched radical interests, including professors such as Everett Mendelsohn, much-quoted in the press of late and author of a 1982 tract calling for reduction in aid to Israel and warm relations with the PLO. Summers also took on Cornel West, perhaps the university's most famous prima donnas, and asked if he could be bothered to do some rigorous scholarship in between his rap recordings and work for the Al Sharpton campaign. Additionally, he opposed divestment of Harvard's endowment from companies that do business with Israel and stated that those who advocated such moves were "anti-Semitic in their effect if not their intent."

So Summers had plenty of enemies before his recent remarks on women in science. That subject is treated in Anne Applebaum's column today, which notes that most women (and men) aren't in line for tenure at Harvard, and that the argument over women in the work force stretches far beyond Harvard Yard:

What also matters is that we shift this passionate debate from the fate of a few women at Harvard to the real needs of millions of women across the country. I'd feel a lot more sympathy for Summers's current plight if he'd said how ridiculous it is to require academics, male or female, to work 80 hours a week to get tenure. I'd feel a lot more sympathy for Summers's feminist opponents if they spent less time worrying about their academic peers, and more time worrying about the agonizing trade-offs between work and family, and how they can be better managed in the interests of women, children and co-workers.

Another woman, Amy Doolittle, looked at the science behind sex differences in yesterday's Washington Times, while Arnold Kling argued that the whole imbroglio is important and deserves the attention it's getting. He says that Summers's talk in January was "as near a perfect example of judicious, thoughtful speculation as any imperfect human being might produce."

Kling uses his daughter's experience in college to illustrate the anti-intellectualism of some academics:

At the University of Maryland, my oldest daughter, Rachel, took a class in which one test included a question in which she was asked to respond to the statement "Gender is socially determined." This was given, not as an essay question, but as a machine-graded true-false choice. Having read the textbook for the class, Rachel knew that the machine would treat "true" as the correct answer. She herself believes that the answer is something other than "true." Perhaps, if given an opportunity, she could have written a thoughtful, balanced essay on the topic. Evidently, however, her professor does not have a sufficiently open mind to be willing to face such an essay.

The question facing Lawrence Summers as he gave his talk was, "True or false: the explanation for the high ratio of males to females in physics, math, and engineering at universities like Harvard is cumulative sex discrimination." Evidently, the textbook answer is "true." Instead, Summers gave a thoughtful, balanced essay answer that was something other than "true." For that, many modern academics, including some smug critics at MIT and other prestigious institutions, believe he deserves a bad grade. Shame on the critics. Praise to his defenders.

Kling uses two quotes from Summers's talk to illustrate better just what he said, and what he meant by it. Here's the first:

[I]f one is talking about physicists at a top twenty-five research university, one is not talking about people who are two standard deviations above the mean. And perhaps it's not even talking about somebody who is three standard deviations above the mean. But it's talking about people who are three and a half, four standard deviations above the mean in the one in 5,000, one in 10,000 class."

The second:

"So my best guess, to provoke you, of what's behind all of this is that the largest phenomenon, by far, is the general clash between people's legitimate family desires and employers' current desire for high power and high intensity, that in the special case of science and engineering, there are issues of intrinsic aptitude, and particularly of the variability of aptitude, and that those considerations are reinforced by what are in fact lesser factors involving socialization and continuing discrimination. I would like nothing better than to be proved wrong"

Kling discusses two other potential factors that contribute to the problems Summers addressed: male-dominance behavior and self-regarding attribution bias. But he returns to the anti-intellectualism of Summers's critics as the principal problem.

Today's Harvard Crimson carries a report on yesterday's faculty meeting. The essence of their story is that Summers promised to restore the faculty's powers that, they say, he has drained since becoming president. And after all, that's what much of this is about, as the Sun editorial above notes. Faculty at Harvard, as at all universities, are unaccustomed to being held to account for their actions. An administrator like Summers, in questioning their perquisites, defiles holy ground upon which only the anointed may tread.

“I am determined to set a different tone,” Summers said. “I pledge to you that I will seek to listen more, and more carefully, and to temper my words and actions in ways that convey respect and help us work together more harmoniously.”

But Summers added that he would not be able to accede to every Faculty request.

“I cannot serve the University...if in the name of comity I find myself saying yes to every request that is put to me, agreeing to every suggestion so as to avoid giving a sense of alienation,” he said.

At least he's leaving himself some wriggle room with that last comment. The Crimson story makes it clear that the atmosphere at yesterday's meeting was less volatile than at last week's, and that there no move was made for a vote of no confidence. If they're correct, and it's a well done story you should read if you're following this drama, Summers will weather this storm.

The tone of this morning's NYT coverage is somewhat different; it begins:

With his faculty threatening open revolt, the president of Harvard, Lawrence H. Summers, promised Tuesday that he would temper his management style and begin treating people more respectfully.

Professors, gathered at an overflow faculty meeting to hear and discuss Dr. Summers, appeared so dissatisfied with the state of his leadership that they rejected a proposal to have three senior Harvard scholars mediate the furor between the faculty and its president.

The Crimson also discusses the scuttling of this plan, which was doubtless a setback for Summers and his allies. But the student reporter seems to have less of an axe to grind than do the Times's duo of Sara Rimer and Patrick D. Healy. The Times notes, for example, that the poll conducted by Crimson staff, which I noted here, revealed that faculty disapprove of Summers's leadership 52% to 40%. Yet it fails to note that the same poll showed that 55% percent do not believe he should resign, while 32% believe he should.

Jonathan Finer's article in this morning's Washington Post reports that "about half of the speakers defended the president, several professors said," something not mentioned by the Times.

Today's Boston Globe carries much of the same material, but it alone among the papers I've checked quotes this statement in support of Summers:

n sharp contrast, biologist Douglas Melton, codirector of Harvard's new stem cell center, praised Summers for his vision in planning to expand the university's work in the sciences and establishing a new campus in Allston, as well as for his concern about undergraduate education.

"It's the first time in my 20-some years at Harvard that the president has caused members of different departments to come together and ask what we should teach and how we should teach it," Melton said after the meeting.

"It creates a certain amount of tension, but reminds us that our job is to advance knowledge by asking and answering questions. . . . I don't mean to suggest that the heartfelt sentiments of my colleagues are not valid. But they describe a president and a university that is unknown to me," he added.

Surely Prof. Melton has it right. Advancing knowledge, not screaming foul and shouting down unorthodox offenders, should be the business of a great university. With academic freedom comes intellectual responsibility, and those Harvard professors who find Larry Summers so threatening that they'll stop at nothing to weaken him reveal themselves as intellectual cowards who'd rather banish their opponents than debate them. Children of privilege needn't be spoiled brats, but some of them in Cambridge haven't bothered to grow up.

— Winfield Myers
February 22, 2005

Committee to Protect Bloggers


Via LGF, a Committee to Protect Bloggers has been formed to draw attention to the plight of bloggers jailed or harassed by repressive regimes. Iranian bloggers, in particular, are suffering at the hands of the mullahs, who know that freedom of speech is lethal to their continued rule.

— Winfield Myers
February 22, 2005

The Axis of Evil Grows


For months many of us have said that Syria deserves a place in the notorious Axis of Evil. You will recall that President Bush announced the Axis post-September 11 Attack when he listed North Korea, Iran, and Iraq as charter members. Why stop there, some wondered, since Syria is every bit as oppressive as Iraq and has long been a state sponsor of terrorism. Syria has deep ties to Hezbollah, Hamas, and other terror groups, has controlled Lebanon like a malicious puppet master, and continues to occupy the Bekka Valley where it runs terrorist training camps. Any one of these activities ought to have been enough to earn them a place on the bad guy list; the combination makes it a lock.

Significantly, Syria has played a key role both in the lead-up activity to the Iraq War and the terrorism we’ve seen in the aftermath. That Syria's machinations are under-reported makes them no less influential. Syria has been a reflection of Saddam Hussein’s Baathist Iraq for decades. Under the leadership of Hafez al-Assad, Syria molded itself into a fascist, dictatorial state. One of Assad’s heroes was Adolf Hitler. His counterpart was Saddam Hussein. Both were secular-minded, hedonistic Sunni Arabs. They dreamed of unbounded power and the wealth it would bring. They ruled their fiefdoms through intimidation, terror, and profligate corruption, each using ruthless internal intelligence agencies (similar to the Gestapo and KGB) to force hapless citizens to their will. Each surrounded himself with toadies and sycophants, frequently purged those close to him as ruthlessly as known enemies, and dreamed of being the leader of a regional Arab resurgence.

Saddam intended to turn power over to one of his now happily deceased sons, Uday or Qusay. The elder Assad, Hafez, lived long enough to turn power over to his son, Bashar, an optometrist, and precocious dictator-in-training. The younger Assad, despite initial myopically self-deceptive hopes that he would be a reformer, has followed well in the footsteps of his father. He has increased power by wide-spread use of the thugs in his intelligence agency, and he is ratcheting up Syria's support for terrorist organizations. Several of the most heinous are openly headquartered in Damascus. Most disturbingly, there are credible reports that Syria has become a welcoming home to Iraqi Baathist most-wanted criminals who fled just before Saddam’s statue fell in the square. It is reliably reported that as many as 54 top Iraqi leaders are running the insurgency in Iraq from Damascus. This is the reason many analysts say that while the body of the insurgency is in Iraq, the head hides in Syria.

It is well known that huge sums of stolen money – mostly US dollars - were smuggled across the border into Syria around the time of Iraq’s collapse. Even before the war began billions of dollars were electronically transferred into Syrian-controlled banks for safe keeping by Saddam’s regime. Given the generous funding for the insurgents it is clear that some of those Iraqi criminals from the old regime had the pin number of the account. US Marines and soldiers searching terrorist bodies during and after the Battle of Fallujah report that every one had in his possession $200-$300 in crisp US $100 bills. Their paymaster in Syria had sent in funds to pay them off. A lot of this money came from the Oil for Food kickbacks that are already documented to be in the billions of dollars. Plenty of money was on hand to satisfy Saddam’s insatiable appetite for direct and indirect power. These were the funds that were allocated to pay for homicide bombers in Israel, fund al Qaeda training facilities inside Iraq like Ansar al-Islam camps, and many other terror-related activities. To this day the former Deputy Foreign Minister of the Czech Republic testifies that an Iraqi intelligence agent passed a large sum of money to 911 hijacker Mohammad Atta, but that story has been inexplicably left untouched by our CIA.

More menacingly, Syria in the many months of fruitless negotiation and intentional obstruction in the UN Security Council by France, Russia, and China, surely was a convenient repository for weapons that Saddam needed to hide. There was ample time, and there are many corroborating stories, that long convoys of loaded vehicles moved into Syria and returned empty. Iraq has a tradition of hiding things. A squadron of modern, fully functional MiG-29 aircraft was found by the inspection teams buried in the desert. Photos of these huge fighter aircraft being dug out of the sand were sensational but most people seemed to overlook the obvious: if aircraft were hidden in the sands is it likely that other weapons systems were hidden also? If not buried then relocated.

Liberated Iraqi intelligence sources – in cooperation with other international agencies - have quietly identified two sites within Syria and a third in the Bekka Valley that they report have been used to store WMD coming out of pre-war Iraq. It would have been cheap insurance for Saddam to move his valuable supplies despite the reassurances he received from France and Russia that the US was a paper tiger and would not attack. The planned simultaneous terrorist attack on the Jordanian Ministry of Defense and the American Embassy in Amman was designed around classic al Qaeda truck bombs (ammonium nitrate kicked off by a plastic explosive detonator) with a kicker: the attacking vehicles were going to include poison gas shells placed on top of the explosives. Jordanian investigators who discovered the plot and arrested the terrorists confirm the poison gas. They also confirm that the origin of the plotters was Syria. If Syria did not have its own stocks of poison gas then it is not reasonable to connect dots to an Iraqi source?

Syria has not remained neutral in the war in Iraq. Highest levels of Assad’s ruling coterie are fully complicit with the terrorist training camps located near the Iraq border inside Syria. These camps – also funded by the escaped Iraqi Baathists with Saddam’s ill-gotten gains – are functioning in a manner similar to that al Qaeda used in Afghanistan and pre-war Iraq. Terrorists are brought in from all over the region and trained in Islamist, jihadist ideology. They learn basic military skills and are then committed to the fight. They are dying in droves in Iraq thanks to the skill of US and Coalition troops and the rapidly emerging Iraqi security forces. Still they have inflicted many casualties on hundreds of innocent Iraqis and have wounded and killed many Americans. We need to take a hard look and ask how long Syria is going to be allowed to continue this illegal interference and provide sanctuary for the terrorists.

Syrian fingerprints are all over the assassination of the anti-Syrian former Lebanese president. Now announcements are released that Syria has formed an alliance with Iran. Desperate times breed desperate measures and both the Bansar Assad regime and the Mullahs in Teheran fear the next move by America and our allies. Under the radar, both Iran and Syria have extensive technological and weapons ties with Kim Jong Il’s regime in North Korea. Missile and warhead technology, uranium products, and chemical warfare expertise and products have been transferred between and among this nefarious trio. All three rogue regimes oppress their people and are egregious violators of human rights as well as being state sponsors of terrorism.

These rogue states have watched America over the past year, wondering what the outcome of our election would be. Now that they know they are scrambling to scratch together a defense against the attacks – economic, psychological, and military – that they know will be forthcoming. By this evil alliance the die has been cast. The decadent, dictatorial Syrian regime has sealed its fate and will drag its fellow dictators in Iran and North Korea down with it. Freedom is marching unstoppable across the world, sweeping tin-pot tyrants out of the path.

— Gordon Cucullu
February 22, 2005

Remembering a Place Where Religious Pluralism Was Strengthened


Today is the the 273rd anniversary of the birth of George Washington. The Big Trunk at PL has a thoughtful post about Washington and his significance for the strengthening of religious pluralism in early America. He links to a letter to Washington from the congregation of Touro Synagogue in Newport, Rhode Island, America's oldest synagogue. This is not Washington's famous letter to the congregation in Newport, but the congregation's letter to him. A portion of that letter reads:

Deprived as we heretofore have been of the invaluable rights of free Citizens, we now with a deep sense of gratitude to the Almighty disposer of all events behold a Government, erected by the Majesty of the People ~~ a Government, which to bigotry gives no sanction, to persecution no assistance ~~ but generously affording to all Liberty of conscience, and immunities of Citizenship: ~~

deeming every one, of whatever Nation, tongue, or language equal parts of the great governmental Machine: ~~ This so ample and extensive Federal Union whose basis is Philanthropy, Mutual confidence and Public Virtue, we cannot but acknowledge to be the work of the Great God, who ruleth in the Armies of Heaven, and among the Inhabitants of the Earth, doing whatever seemeth him good.

We have immediate family in the Newport area, and we've visited Touro Synagogue. We were searched by an armed guard before entering in order to prevent anti-Semitic radicals, from here and abroad, from destroying one of America's plots of holy ground where religious pluralism, rightly understood to mean freedom of religion and not freedom from religion, received crucial support. An equally important task is to prevent activist judges from eroding that pluralism through judicial fiat. Pluralism is the enemy of the ideologue, left or right, and only through remembering and honoring our Founders, including Washington, will we ensure that our future is truly free.

— Winfield Myers
February 22, 2005

Poll of FAS at Harvard Supports Summers


The Harvard Crimson, a student newspaper, polled every professor in the Faculty of Arts and Sciences over the past four days. A polling expert at Columbia University, contacted by Crimson staff, called the poll results "imperfect but not invalid." The results show that most professors polled don't want to see Summers removed over his recent speculation that innate differences between men and women may account for a relative paucity of women in scientific and mathematical fields of academe. At the same time, it shows that 56 percent believe he's "diminished" Harvard's image. Of 683 professors presented with the questions, 280 responded. Here are the results:

Do you approve of Summers’ leadership of the University?

Approve: 108 (40%)

Disapprove: 140 (52%)

Don’t Know: 22 (8%)

Total: 270

What effect do you think Summers has had on Harvard’s image?

Improved: 47 (18%)

Diminished: 149 (56%)

No Effect: 26 (10%)

Don’t Know: 46 (17%)

Total: 268

Do you think Summers should resign?

Yes: 90 (32%)

No: 153 (55%)

Don’t Know: 37 (13%)

Total: 280

If a confidence vote in Summers was held today, how would you vote?

Confidence: 136 (50%)

No Confidence: 105 (38%)

Don’t Know: 32 (12%)

Total: 273

Total Respondents: 283

If these results are accurate, they bode well for Summers and for Harvard. Even those who find the president's style abrasive, or who disagree with his tendency to transgress the faculty's coveted autonomy don't wish to see him ousted. That's good for those of us who believe that free speech and freedom of thought must be central to academic life. Absent the ability to inquire freely into areas declared by some as off-limits, the clichéd "chilling effect" seen by some leftists as the consequence of every disagreement could become a reality. If Harvard's president isn't safe from those whose politically orthodoxy has all the intellectual subtlety of Stalin's, then no university president, professor, or student can hope to survive a confrontation with the forces of conformity.

— Winfield Myers
February 22, 2005

Listen, But Don't Look


That's the message from Kofi Annan in an op-ed in this morning's WSJ. I'm glad the Journal gave Annan the space to defend his organization, because the inability of Annan and his staff to come up with more than they do puts in even starker relief just how morally bankrupt the organization he oversees really is.

In his gloss on the U.N.'s accomplishments and shortcomings, he nods to the Volker report but never mentions Benin Seven by name, nor his son, Kojo. He does condemn rape by U.N. workers in the Congo, something he should do but hardly a great risk. And he exaggerates the U.N.'s effectiveness in Iraq and skirts his own vehement opposition to the war that freed 25 million people from tyranny.

Indisputably, the war in Iraq two years ago caused many people on all sides to lose faith in the U.N. Those who favored military action against Saddam Hussein were disappointed that the Security Council did not--as they saw it-- have the courage to enforce its own resolutions. And those who opposed it were frustrated at the U.N.'s inability to prevent a war they thought unnecessary or premature.

Please. Annan himself called the war "illegal," and his cuddling of Saddam and role in the Oil-for-Food Scandal are clear. Even if he didn't benefit financially from the corruption that reached to his own family -- and we just don't yet know the answer to that question -- no organization that represented the interests of the people of Iraq would have opposed all efforts to rid the country of Saddam and his crime family so vehemently for so long. He also overstates the U.N.'s role in post-war Iraq, conveniently forgetting to mention that the organization pulled up stakes and ran for the hills after its headquarters was bombed. Some commitment, Kofi.

He then vastly overstates the U.N.'s role in pulling off last month's elections. He even claims that a sign of his organization's usefulness is that it has the trust of the Sunnis, who both boycotted the elections and were prevented by violence from voting. Another way of stating such a claim might be: "We are supported by those elements in Iraq who joined us in opposing the toppling of Saddam's criminal regime. We know each other; we think alike. Trust me."

His op-ed made me wish for the return of the Diplomad, that wonderful blog run by foreign service officers that signed off February 5. That's because Annan does his best to steal credit for the tsunami relief efforts that, in fact, were led by the American military and the Australians. You'll find just a sample of the work the Diplomad did in exposing the ineptness and preening of U.N. bureaucrats at this post. For weeks following the wave, the Diplomad reported -- from the ground in the area affected -- that U.N. elites flew in, delivered self-congratulatory speeches, and departed without raising a hand to aid anyone in distress.

I urge you to read the whole thing, as you'll see for yourself just how incapable the top man is in defending his own organization. Nice try, Kofi, but no more oil for you.

— Winfield Myers
February 21, 2005

An Interesting Question


Dahlia Lithwick in her review of Mark Tushnet's A Court Divided for the Washington Post asks "Why can't a Supreme Court with seven Republican appointees reverse the Warren court revolution once and for all? Why are affirmative action and abortion still the law of the land?"

You can read Lithwick's review for both her and Tushnet's answer to this question, which are par for the course. What they both leave out is the very real transformation of the Republican party from a mostly establishmentarian institution to an ideological one. Here's an example: both Nixon and Bush are from the same party but have very different perspectives on foreign policy, with Nixon propping up dictators to ensure global stability and Bush supporting democracy over stability. And secondarily, and perhaps more importantly, is the simple fact that Supreme Court justices have been educated in the most elite (and therefore liberal) of institutions: Harvard, Stanford, Yale, and Chicago, among others, where affirmative action and abortion were first introduced and seen as gospel. Perhaps the solution to this problem, and the court's judicial activism in general, is to appoint lazy lawyers from mediocre law schools more interested in golfing than writing 100 page legal opinions read only by their peers.

— Brent Tantillo
February 21, 2005

What We Have Here, Is a Failure to Communicate


Scott Johnson, who blogs at Power Line, has a piece at the Weekly Standard on attempts by radical insurgents -- that would be right-of-center and libertarians -- to infiltrate the stronghold that is Dartmouth College's governing board. Johnson begins his essay by noting that, in the case of Larry Summers at Harvard, an apt comparison may be drawn with the Paul Newman's character in Cool Hand Luke:

President Summers can testify to the powerful taboos enforced on university campuses. For the sin of offering informed speculation about possible gender-based differences giving rise to the numerical disparities between men and women "in high-end scientific professions," Summers has been subjected to a ferocious reeducation campaign.

In the film Cool Hand Luke, prison authorities sought to maintain order